Tripp Skipper: Donald Trump already has a new Lindsey Graham. Her name is Katie Britt
Whether Republicans loved him or rolled their eyes at him, Graham served a function few politicians ever could.
This is an opinion column
When President Donald Trump stood in the Oval Office recently insisting Senate Majority Leader John Thune “has the votes” to eliminate the filibuster and pass the SAVE Act, he wasn’t simply expressing frustration over election legislation.
He was exposing a growing communication problem inside the Republican Party.
Trump believes some Senate Republicans are standing in the way of his agenda. Thune insists he simply doesn’t have the votes.
In truth, they operate from two vastly different realities.
Trump looks at a Republican majority and sees opportunity.
Thune looks at the same conference and sees arithmetic.
The Senate remains the Senate.
There are not 50 Republican senators prepared to abolish the legislative filibuster. There are not 50 votes to pass the SAVE Act, which would require documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote in federal elections and has become one of President Trump’s top legislative priorities. Some senators, like Thom Tillis, are retiring and have little political incentive to bend to White House pressure. Others, like Bill Cassidy and John Cornyn, are leaving after losing the Republican primary to Trump-endorsed opponents. It’s difficult to expect senators to spend their final months in office advancing a president’s agenda after he helped end their political careers.
The frustration has become so significant that Trump recently dispatched White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles to Capitol Hill in an effort to break the impasse between the White House and Senate Republicans.
But John Thune’s biggest challenge isn’t counting votes.
It’s managing expectations.
For years, Senate Republicans had someone uniquely equipped to bridge that gap.
Lindsey Graham.
Whether Republicans loved him or rolled their eyes at him, Graham served a function few politicians ever could. He understood the institutional realities of the Senate while maintaining a relationship with Trump strong enough to deliver difficult news without damaging the relationship.
When Trump became frustrated, Graham could explain why Senate Republicans couldn’t simply “find the votes.”
When senators became frustrated, Graham could explain what Trump needed politically.
He wasn’t simply a Trump ally.
He was an interpreter.
And with Graham having passed away, that role quietly disappeared.
Every successful Senate leader needs someone who can walk into the Oval Office and tell a president what he doesn’t necessarily want to hear, but in a way the president will actually hear it.
That kind of influence isn’t created overnight.
Knowing how to navigate the United States Senate is a skill you either possess or you don’t. It isn’t something learned from a rule book or mastered during freshman orientation.
During my time serving on Senator Jeff Sessions’ staff, I had the opportunity to watch some of the Senate’s most effective members exercise power. None was more impressive than Richard Shelby. Shelby understood that influence wasn’t about who delivered the sharpest floor speech or appeared most often on cable television. It was about earning trust, cultivating relationships, understanding how the Senate works, and knowing precisely when to press an issue and when to wait.
Shelby’s greatest strength wasn’t in being a show horse. It was quietly producing results. It never seemed to matter whether he was chairman of the Appropriations Committee or the ranking member. Alabama was going to be taken care of either way because Shelby understood something many politicians never do: real power isn’t about holding the gavel. It’s about knowing how to use the institution.
Katie Britt spent years learning under Shelby before succeeding him in the Senate. She has developed her own style and political identity, but she appears to have inherited something even more valuable than his Senate seat.
She inherited his understanding of how power actually works inside the world’s most deliberative body.
Like Shelby, Britt seems to understand that the most important conversations rarely happen in front of television cameras. They happen in private meetings, quiet phone calls, and relationships built over time.
More importantly, she has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to persuade people who matter, including the president of the United States.
After the Alabama Supreme Court’s IVF decision, which held that frozen embryos created through in vitro fertilization are legally considered children under Alabama’s Wrongful Death of a Minor Act, created a political firestorm, Britt worked quietly behind the scenes with Trump and his advisers. Before long, Trump publicly embraced protecting access to IVF, adopting a position that surprised many Republicans but closely reflected Britt’s advocacy.
The Laken Riley Act, which requires federal authorities to detain certain undocumented immigrants accused of specified crimes, became the first bill President Trump signed after returning to office.
She helped shape the childcare provisions that became part of Trump’s domestic agenda.
And Lulu’s Law, which improves federal shark attack warnings through real-time public alerts and better coordination among beach safety officials, named for Alabama teenager Lulu Gribbin after her devastating shark attack, became another example of Britt guiding legislation from an Alabama tragedy to the president’s desk.
None of those successes happened because Britt demanded attention.
They happened because she earned trust.
That’s a different kind of political influence.
What John Thune can do is strengthen communication between the White House and the Republican Conference.
Right now, that’s his greatest leadership challenge.
Republican senators don’t need another television personality or political bomb thrower. They need someone capable of explaining to Donald Trump why the Senate cannot always move as quickly as he would like, without causing him to question whether his own majority leader is on his side.
John Thune can’t create votes that don’t exist. His challenge is convincing President Trump that they don’t.
Lindsey Graham filled that role for years.
Today, John Thune’s biggest leadership challenge isn’t counting votes. It’s finding someone Donald Trump trusts enough to explain why those votes aren’t there.
That may prove to be the most important job in the United States Senate.
If Katie Britt continues earning President Trump’s trust while maintaining the confidence of her Senate colleagues, John Thune may discover he already has the kind of bridge-builder every Senate leader needs.
And if the lessons she learned from Richard Shelby continue to shape her leadership, Alabama may have done more than elect another senator.
It may have elected someone with the skills to one day lead the United States Senate.